Syria in Transition: Charting a New Path for Regional Stability and US Policy

Introduction

The Syrian conflict, ignited in 2011 amidst the fervor of the Arab Spring, has been a theater of relentless upheaval and shifting allegiances. What began as a peaceful demand for democratic reform under President Bashar al-Assad’s authoritarian regime swiftly descended into a labyrinthine civil war. Thirteen years later, the conflict reached a historic turning point with the fall of the Assad regime, achieved by rebel forces in a remarkably swift 11-day campaign beginning on November 27, 2024. The following analysis evaluates the latest developments in Syria, emphasizing the United States’ evolving policy, the implications of Assad’s removal, the emergent complexities within the opposition, and the broader geopolitical currents shaping Syria’s future.

The United States and the Syrian Conundrum

From the outset of the Syrian uprising, the United States adopted a posture of cautious engagement, delicately balancing its strategic imperatives with an aversion to deep military entanglement. Initial declarations of support for the opposition and calls for Assad’s ouster gradually gave way to a more tempered strategy, focusing on humanitarian assistance, counterterrorism, and the imposition of economic sanctions.

A watershed moment in the U.S. approach emerged in 2013 when the Obama administration opted for diplomacy rather than military intervention following Assad’s deployment of chemical weapons, crossing Obama’s “red line.” This decision, while averting direct conflict, underscored a shift away from prioritizing regime change toward mitigating the broader humanitarian and security repercussions of the war. In the years to follow, economic measures such as the Caesar Act became central to U.S. strategy, targeting key sectors of the Syrian economy and regime-affiliated entities. While these sanctions aimed to coerce Assad into a political settlement, their efficacy remained contentious, as they compounded civilian suffering without achieving decisive political concessions. On the other hand, when the United States issued a temporary license easing sanctions on Syria to facilitate humanitarian relief efforts in the wake of the devastating earthquake in February 2023, critics argued that such concessions risked undermining the broader objectives of economic pressure, particularly given the regime’s propensity to exploit international aid for its own ends.

Adding to the economic dimensions of the conflict, the Assad regime had notoriously exploited the illicit trade of Captagon, an amphetamine-like stimulant that has become a significant revenue source for the regime. According to reports, the Captagon trade has burgeoned into a multi-billion-dollar industry, with revenues estimated at $5.7 billion annually by 2021, dwarfing Syria’s legitimate exports. This narcotics trade not only augmented Assad’s wealth but also entrenched corruption and criminality within the regime’s structures, exacerbating regional instability and undermining international efforts to counter trafficking networks. 

The Fall of the Assad Regime: A Seminal Moment

The precipitous collapse of the Assad regime in an 11-day insurgent campaign marked an epochal shift in the trajectory of the Syrian conflict. This development not only concluded over half a century of Assad family rule but also initiated a new and uncertain chapter in Syrian history. The regime’s demise resulted from a confluence of internal dissent, sustained rebel offensives, and the erosion of loyalty within Assad’s military and political apparatus. Last-minute retreats among key military units in Damascus and a well-coordinated insurgent strategy were instrumental in precipitating this dramatic shift.

Undoubtedly, the broader geopolitical context has significantly influenced the shifting dynamics within Syria. Notably, Israel’s war in Gaza and Lebanon, Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine, and Iran’s escalating skirmishes with Israel—directly and through proxies—have indirectly weakened Assad’s principal allies: Hezbollah, Iran, and Russia, tilting the balance in favor of opposition forces. Iran faced significant setbacks due to Israeli airstrikes targeting its military assets and supply lines in Syria, disrupting aid to the regime. Targeted assassinations of IRGC commanders and mounting financial strain from regional proxy commitments further weakened Iran’s capacity to sustain Assad, contributing to his regime’s collapse on December 8, 2024. Meanwhile, Hezbollah’s deep involvement in the Gaza conflict has stretched its operational capacity, diminishing its ability to maintain a strong military presence in Syria. As a cornerstone of Assad’s external support, this redeployment weakened the regime’s resilience. Simultaneously, Russia’s preoccupation with the war in Ukraine has drained its military and financial resources, curtailing its ability to project influence in Syria. This reduced Russian engagement has further eroded Assad’s position, creating a vacuum increasingly exploited by opposition groups and regional powers seeking to shape Syria’s future.

HTS and the Challenges of Opposition Unity

For the United States, the post-Assad landscape presents a dual-edged challenge. While the opportunity to influence Syria’s reconstruction and political realignment is evident, the path to stability is fraught with risks of fragmentation and extremist resurgence. Ensuring a balanced and inclusive political transition remains a critical test for Washington’s diplomatic acumen.

Among the myriad actors vying for dominance in Syria, Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) occupies a prominent yet controversial position. Emerging from both the Islamic State (IS/ISIL/ISIS) and the al-Qaeda-affiliated Nusra Front, later turning against and fighting both, HTS now wields significant control over Syria and a linchpin in the interim government in Damascus. Despite attempts by the U.S.-terrorist-designated organization at rebranding itself as a pragmatic actor emphasizing local governance, HTS’s dominance within the opposition raises critical questions in Washington about the feasibility of a cohesive post-Assad political framework and the international community’s willingness to engage with rebel factions defined by the U.S. as extremist.

Amid these challenges, the United States is exploring new avenues of engagement with Syria’s emerging leadership. In an unprecedented meeting, Barbara Leaf, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, held direct talks with Ahmed al-Sharaa, Syria’s de facto leader. The discussions focused on Washington’s interest in fostering  inclusive leadership and governance in Syria that prioritizes political reconciliation and human rights. The U.S. has expressed its readiness to engage with a new leadership structure that incorporates diverse ethnic and political factions, provided it moves away from the authoritarian legacy of the Assad regime and marginalizes extremism. This shift signals a potential recalibration of U.S. policy, balancing skepticism with a strategic openness to dialogue under a framework of international accountability.

Prospects for U.S. Policy under a New Trump Administration

As Syria transitions into a post-Assad era, the contours of U.S. policy under a second Trump administration will merit critical examination. During his first term, President Trump exhibited a preference for disengagement, focusing narrowly on counterterrorism while minimizing the U.S. footprint in Syria. This approach, exemplified by the controversial withdrawal of U.S. troops from northeastern Syria in 2019, drew sharp criticism for its perceived abandonment of allies such as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and its empowerment of other actors like Türkiye and Russia. While Trump promised in his campaign to focus his Middle East policy on seeking regional peace, a potential minimalistic approach to Syria will present significant challenges. 

The first challenge relates to Türkiye, a NATO ally, that perceives the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) as a terrorist organization due to its close ties with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has waged an insurgency against Türkiye for decades. This perception has driven Türkiye to launch multiple military operations along its southern border to prevent the PKK from establishing a foothold in northern Syria. Meanwhile, the SDF has been a crucial ally for the United States in the fight against ISIS, playing a pivotal role in liberating large areas from the militant group and in holding 60,000 ISIS prisoners and family members. This divergence in priorities between Türkiye and the U.S. creates a significant challenge in reconciling their conflicting interests.

At the same time, the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, enacted in 2019, imposed sweeping sanctions on the Assad regime and its supporters to deter Syria’s brutal actions against its people, including widespread human rights abuses. The U.S. aim was to pressure the Assad government to end its repression and engage in a political resolution to the civil war. However, with Assad’s removal and the collapse of his regime’s infrastructure, the rationale for maintaining these sanctions has significantly waned.  

Compounding these challenges is Israel’s escalating activity in southern Syria and across its territory to attempt to counter Iranian-backed militias and prevent so-called Islamist threats. These actions, including frequent airstrikes, aim to secure Israel’s northern front but add another layer of complexity to Syria’s already volatile regional dynamics. Together, these interconnected challenges demand a nuanced and strategic approach from U.S. policy in a post-Assad Syria.

The Path Forward for the U.S. in a Post-Assad Syria

In determining its policies for a post-Assad Syria, the U.S. must reconsider the Caesar Act and other sanctions.  The entrenched support from Russia and Iran, which actively circumvented sanctions to prop up Assad, highlights the limitations of economic measures alone. As Syria navigates a post-conflict phase, U.S. policy should adapt by pairing adjusted sanctions with proactive diplomatic initiatives aimed at facilitating reconstruction, refugee return, and broader international engagement to foster stability.

Also, as the U.S. faces the intricate challenge of balancing its alliance with Türkiye with maintaining its reliance on the SDF as a counterterrorism partner, navigating these competing priorities requires careful diplomacy to ensure that Türkiye’s security needs are addressed while stabilizing SDF-controlled territories, which remains pivotal in preventing the resurgence of ISIS and other extremist groups. Failure to reconcile these interests risks both alienating a NATO ally and jeopardizing the fragile security in northeastern Syria.

Simultaneously, the U.S. should focus on mediating between Israel and neighboring countries to create a cohesive strategy for southern Syria. This strategy should prioritize ending of occupation and counterproductive counterterrorism efforts while minimizing harm to civilians and maintaining regional stability. Enhanced intelligence sharing and joint security initiatives with Israel and regional partners, including Jordan and Türkiye, can reinforce deconfliction mechanisms that are essential to prevent unintended escalations. By fostering collaboration and emphasizing a balanced approach, the U.S. can contribute to a more stable southern Syria in the context of regional and international dynamics.

Conclusion

The removal of Bashar al-Assad has ushered in a transformative new period in Syria’s tumultuous history, presenting both opportunities and profound challenges. For the United States, the task of shaping a sustainable and inclusive post-conflict order demands a multifaceted strategy encompassing active diplomacy, improved counterterrorism, and sufficiently large humanitarian initiatives. The evolving dynamics of the Syrian opposition, the influence of internal and external conflicts, and the uncertain trajectory of U.S. policy under future administrations underscore the complexity of this endeavor.

As Washington navigates these uncertainties, it must adopt a principled yet pragmatic approach, leveraging its influence to foster stability, counter extremism, and support the aspirations of the Syrian people. Only through sustained and strategic engagement can the United States contribute meaningfully to Syria’s transition and the broader stability of the Middle East.

Keynote Remarks at the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations 40th Anniversary Commemoration

Keynote speech by HRH Prince Turki Al Faisal Al Saud delivered at the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations’ 40th Anniversary Commemoration on November 16, 2023, in Washington, D.C.


بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is an honor to be here with you this evening and join you in the celebration of the 40th Anniversary of the National Council on US Arab Relations. I extend my heartfelt gratitude to Doctor John Duke Anthony who had the vision to establish this great institution and the wisdom to guide the Council through these many decades.

John, you have made an indelible mark on the world through your visionary leadership and unwavering commitment. It is with great admiration and respect that we celebrate your achievements this evening.

When we think of pioneers, we think of individuals who possess the ability to see beyond the present, to imagine a brighter future, and to take bold steps towards making that vision a reality.

John, you embody all these qualities and more. Through your perseverance and determination, you created an organization that has become a bridge of understanding, a center of knowledge, and a symbol of the power of constructive dialogue.

But beyond your accomplishments, you have always remained humble, recognizing the contributions of others and acknowledging that true success is a collective achievement.

You have shown us that one person can make a difference, that a small spark of inspiration can create a stronger, more enduring relationship between the United States and its Arab partners.

And your legacy will continue under the leadership of Delano Roosevelt.

Delano, the mission and values of this organization are literally written into your DNA. I am confident that with you at the helm, the Council will continue to thrive and grow. Its influence will expand. And you will lead the Council to new heights. I wish God’s blessings upon you, Delano, and great success in building the future of the Council.

My remarks this evening may be remarkable for just one thing. Most everything I say to you tonight will be something that you have probably heard before.

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Keynote Remarks to the 31st Annual Arab-U.S. Policymakers Conference

Keynote speech by HRH Prince Turki Al Faisal Al Saud delivered at the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations’ 31st Annual Arab-U.S. Policymakers Conference on November 3, 2022, in Washington, D.C.

The esteemed Foreign Affairs Magazine has accurately described our time in its special centennial issue of September/October 2022 by: ” The age of Uncertainty”. Indeed, our world is in a state of uncertainty and therefore in a state of strategic vacuum and strategic confusion. Such international strategic confusion is caused by the conduct, policies, and hypocrisy of great powers at the helm of the supposedly Rule-Based International Order. The relative world peace and security that the world “enjoyed” since the end of the second World War, multilateralism, interdependent world economy, globalism, and human achievements during peace time are all seriously threatened by this state of uncertainty. Our world is by its nature a multipolar world as reflected in structuring the UN Security Council veto power. However, bipolar and unipolar worlds were reflections of the balance of power in all aspects of power at the time. Our world today is not the world of 1945, therefore, thinking of a new approach, free of the mentality of the Cold War, is needed to manage our transforming multipolar world in an orderly and peaceful fashion to escape what Graham Allison calls: “Thucydides’s Trap” in his book: “Destined for War” discussing the future of America and China relations.

I, as many in this world, have been, for many years, calling for the need to reform the UN System, particularly, restructuring the UN Security council to reflect the aspirations of the world community and to express the structural changes transforming our world. Many reform initiatives were presented and all calls for reforming the UN Security council to be fair, inclusive, and equitable fell on deaf ears of the five permanent members. For the first time, many world leaders, including President Biden in his latest speech at the UN General Assembly called for such reform. This call does reflect a change in mind by the United States to save what is regarded as a liberal rule-based international order. This “Liberal Order” cannot be sustained as liberal if it is not fair, inclusive, equitable and reflective of our international reality. Continued uncertainty is leading to uncertain behavior by irresponsible powers and leaders that may lead to catastrophic consequences.

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Gulf Security Architectures: Process and Structure

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Published in partnership with the King Faisal Center on Research and Islamic Studies.

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The views and opinions presented here are solely those of the author and do not reflect the views of the United States Government, the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations, or the King Faisal Center on Research and Islamic Studies.

Summary

With a transition in Washington, discussions in Western capitals will inevitably turn to the issues of how to deal with Iran, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the wars in Yemen and Libya, and so forth.  Alongside those issues, almost underpinning some of them in a sense, is the matter of reassessing the security architecture in the Gulf and in the region more broadly.  Policy planners in Western capitals will have their own ideas for desired outcomes in the region, but as they weigh their options they should consider how the format and structure of a security architecture can inadvertently shape and limit its effectiveness.  The design and process of convening partners in the Middle East for a dialogue about peace and security is just as important as the execution and implementation of the vision that brings them together.

Definitions and Parameters

One often thinks of a regional security architecture as a forum with a secretariat and working groups, but it is important to recognize that security architectures usually encompass a wide range of activities.  These could include strategic dialogues, financial sanctions, joint military exercises, or nuclear inspections.  The architecture is not located in a single event or institution, and tensions can arise if diplomatic goals are not in alignment with military posture.[1]  It exists as a conceptual framework accompanied by various diplomatic and security arrangements, which a country adopts in order to guide and shape its relationships with regional partners.  It is due to the fact that there are so many different elements at play that different U.S. administrations over time have been able to rework and refashion individual activities to suit their overall policy needs even as the desired policy outcome changes.  Just as policy planners in Washington, London, Brussels, Moscow, and Beijing hope to use their efforts to build partnerships in the region, so too do these Great Powers hope to guide and shape the relationships of those nations to one another.  Building peace and security in the Middle East while extending the influence of a Great Power state around the world is achievable, but there is a tension between the two objectives that must be carefully watched.

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The U.S.-Saudi Arabia Relationship: New Challenges and Opportunities

The close strategic relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia has been vital for the security and prosperity of both countries as well as for regional peace and stability.

This historical relationship has never been more important than it is today, mainly for two intertwined reasons: the change in the complex security landscape of the Middle East and the change within Saudi Arabia.

President Trump’s administration came into office during an unprecedented tumultuous time in the history of the Middle East. The system of the modern nation state is crumbling, states are falling apart, and armed non-state actors are proliferating.

In the face of all this, the Trump administration inherited a Middle East foreign policy quagmire, in which the US plays the slightest role in influencing the events in the region. Due to vital US interests in the region, President Trump embarked on a Middle East foreign policy overhaul to put “America first” on this front.

The major themes of President Trump’s Middle East policy are eradicating terrorism, confronting the danger from Iran, and revitalizing partnerships with stable regional partners. Saudi Arabia appears to be the most reliable and suitable partner for implementing this policy. In addition to being a long-standing traditional partner, Saudi Arabia shares the US concerns on the threat posed by Iran.

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