Saudi Arabia-U.S. Relations Reconsidered

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On October 18, 2013, Saudi Arabia turned down a hard-won invitation to join the United Nations Security Council. Riyadh’s rejection of the much-coveted seat on the world’s highest deliberative body was described by many Americans in highly unflattering terms.

HRH Prince Saud Al Faisal, the world’s longest serving foreign minister (since 1975). Photo: UN.

The decision comes in the wake of Saudi Arabia’s long-serving Minister of Foreign Affairs, HRH Prince Saud Al Faisal, opting to forgo deliverance of what for decades had been his annual address to the United Nations General Assembly.

Following the announcement, the Kingdom’s Chief of General Intelligence and Secretary-General of the National Security Council, HRH Prince Bandar bin Sultan, expressed his heightened concern about the state of the Saudi Arabian-U.S. relationship.

At the 2013 Arab-U.S. Policymakers Conference days after the kingdom declined membership on the Security Council, HRH Prince Turki Al Faisal, a prominent member of the kingdom’s monarchy, quoted numerous derogatory comments that U.S. opinion writers have used to describe the country’s actions and the reasons given for its decisions in this regard.

Some Perspectives

More seasoned commentators provided background and context for what occurred.

Some cited the kingdom’s profound disappointment at the Council’s recent inability, lain at the veto-wielding feet of mainly China and Russia, to bring an end to the continuing bloodshed in Syria.

Others agreed but added Saudi Arabia’s astonishment and anger at the way the Obama administration was so quick to turn its back on Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

Additional commentators noted the country’s long-held concerns over the spread of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East, including both Iran’s developing nuclear program and Israel’s stockpile of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction.

HRH Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi Arabia’s Chief of General Intelligence and Secretary-General of the National Security Council, with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Photo: Russian Federation.

Further commentators remarked on Saudi Arabia’s frustration over the perceived naiveté of the United States in moving to open a dialogue with Iranian President Hassan Rouhani despite Iranian meddling in the affairs of GCC countries, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen – this, after the gift of Iraq to Iran as a direct result of the U.S.-led invasion and occupation of Iraq against the advice of Riyadh and the capitals of most of the other GCC states, plus the envisioned possibility that the United States might somehow eventually reach one or more agreements with Tehran at the kingdom’s and its fellow GCC members’ expense.

Still others cited Riyadh’s ongoing deep disenchantment with the continuing tragic consequences of the Security Council’s larger, more pervasive, and continuing failure, lain primarily at the veto-wielding feet of the United States, to settle the much older conflict between Arabs and Israelis.

Given the number, nature, and magnitude of the Security Council’s noted failures and shortcomings, what Riyadh did — the negative comments of critics notwithstanding — was hardly petulant.

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Gulf in the News – October 31, 2013

Qatar has major petrochemical expansion plans

Source: The Peninsula (Read full story)

Qatar has greater petrochemical expansion plans than any other country in the region over the next 5-10 years and is well positioned for success, a global team of chemicals experts said ahead of their  two-day  visit to Qatar to meet with CEOs and CFOs of leading petrochemical companies in Qatar and discuss key issues facing this industry. Paul Harnick, COO of KPMG’s global chemicals practice, based in the US remarked: “Qatar is taking good steps to continue their success in the petrochemical industry and is responding to potential threats from the international marketplace.  As US producers are now benefitting from low cost shale gas as a feedstock, it will make the US the cheapest place in the world to manufacture petrochemicals.

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Gulf in the News – October 30, 2013

Amir urges it’s time to change ‘old concepts’

Source: Kuwait Times (Read full story)

HH the Amir Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah yesterday called for undertaking comprehensive reforms and change old concepts and launch a new page of cooperation between the government and the Assembly. “It’s time to launch a new decisive era and a major qualitative move aimed at achieving comprehensive reforms and completing construction, growth and development in all aspects of life,” the Amir said as he opened the new National Assembly term following a summer recess. The Amir also urged the legislature and the government to cooperate closely to undertake projects urgently needed by the country after delays as a result of political disputes witnessed by the country in the past few years.

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Gulf in the News – October 29, 2013

Shaikh Khalifa orders 21 new projects in Pakistan

Source: Khaleej Times (Read full story)

The UAE Project to Assist Pakistan (PAP) has announced the start of 21 new developmental projects at a cost of $184.2 million, in implementation of the directives and initiatives of the President, His Highness Shaikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan, to support and help the people of Pakistan and contribute to the development of cities and outlying regions. Director of PAP Abdullah Khalifa Al Ghafli said on the occasion that these new projects represent the beginning of the second phase of the project’s work plan under the generous directives and initiatives of Shaikh Khalifa, General Shaikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi and Deputy Supreme Commander of the UAE Armed Forces, and the follow-up of Shaikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Presidential Affairs and Chairman of the Abu Dhabi Fund for Development.

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Keynote Address by HRH Prince Turki Al Faisal at the 2013 Arab-U.S. Policymakers Conference

HRH Prince Turki Al Faisal delivered a keynote address at the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations’ 22nd Annual Arab-U.S. Policymakers Conference. He was introduced by Dr. John Duke Anthony, Founding President & CEO of the National Council. The conference, on the theme “Navigating Arab-U.S. Relations: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities,” was held October 22-23, 2013, at the Ronald Reagan Building & International Trade Center in Washington, DC.

Speaker:
HRH Prince Turki Al Faisal – Chairman, King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia; former Saudi Arabian Ambassador to the United Kingdom and to the United States of America; former Director General, General Intelligence Directorate, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

For more information visit the National Council’s Annual Arab-U.S. Policymakers Conference homepage.

Gulf in the News – October 28, 2013

Gulf stability of paramount importance to Egypt: PM

Source: Khaleej Times (Read full story)

“There is huge potential for cooperation between [Egypt and the UAE]. We look forward to attracting more Emirati investments and wider cooperation among the private sectors of the two countries. The UAE is the second largest Arab investor in Egypt,” [Egyptian Prime Minister Dr Hazem Al Beblawi] said.  Al Beblawi noted that Egypt could benefit from UAE’s vast experience in alternative and renewable energy fields.  “There is a need for diversified sources of energy, particularly in the Egyptian countryside. I am glad that the assistance that will be extended by the UAE to Egypt will include supporting the energy sector.”

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‘HOW’ Questions for the 2013 Arab-U.S. Policymakers Conference

October 22-23, 2013

Before the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations launched its first Annual Arab-U.S. Policymakers Conference in 1991, we asked numerous policymakers a single question:

“What bedevils you the most in your tasks to recommend effective policies?”

The answers differed only slightly from one person to the next. A common theme running through all the responses was, and I paraphrase, the following: The “W” questions are ones that policymakers deal with all the time. In and of themselves, they are difficult enough. They include:

“What” needs to be done;
“When” does it need to be done;
“Why” does it need to be done;
“Where” will we likely be if we do this or if we do not;
“Who” needs to do it; and, sometimes even,
“Whether” something needs to be done.

But the most difficult questions of all, the ones policymakers inform us they find most vexing, are “How” questions, for these, unlike most of the others, cannot be answered with a yes or no. Rather, the answer to each comes with a cost.

  • Sometimes the cost is political, as when leaders of an administration’s political party or a government’s most important advisers or constituents are certain to put their foot down and say no.
  • Sometimes the cost is financial, as when it is pointed out that there are no funds allocated, authorized, or appropriated for that which is recommended.
  • Sometimes the cost lies in having to admit that the requisite competent human resources to implement a policy recommendation simply do not exist.
  • Sometimes the cost is one of technology, equipment, and/or structures or systems that do not exist or, if they do, would have to be transferred from where they are to where they are needed more at what, arguably, is a prohibitively high cost in terms of time, effort, and money.
  • Sometimes the cost is in credibility, as when an administration or government is on record as being strongly opposed to exactly what someone has just recommended as a solution or a palliative.
  • Sometimes the cost is moral in the sense that it clearly violates the Golden Rule of Do Not Do Unto Others What You Would Not Have Others Do To You.
  • Sometimes the cost will likely be a sharp downturn in the public approval rating of a president, premier, or head of state.
  • Sometimes the cost might be a definite setback to the country’s image and the degree of trust and confidence it seeks to cultivate and maintain among its allies.

With this as background, context, and perspective, there follows a series of questions relating to contemporary Arab-U.S. relations. The questions are ones that policymakers on one side or another, and sometimes both sides, grapple with daily. They are provided in the spirit of a public service. To whom? To not only the policymakers entrusted to improve Arab-U.S. relations and not make them worse. They are also offered as food for thought. Again, to whom? To intellectuals, scholars, teachers, students, analysts, investment strategists, specialists in public policy research institutes, and many others eager to enhance their knowledge and understanding of the state of play in the relations between the United States and the Arab world, and who want to improve these relations.

Dr. John Duke Anthony
Founding President and CEO
National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations

 

Eight Categories of “ HOW” Questions

 
U.S.-ARAB ENERGY COOPERATION

U.S.-ARAB DEFENSE COOPERATION

GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL: ROLE IN REGIONAL DYNAMICS

THE PALESTINIAN FUTURE

GEO-POLITICAL DYNAMICS: SYRIA, LEBANON, IRAQ, & IRAN

U.S.-ARAB BUSINESS, FINANCE, AND HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT

GEO-POLITICAL DYNAMICS: EGYPT & ARAB NORTH AFRICA

ARAB-U.S. RELATIONS: VIEWS FROM THE ARAB MEDIA

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Gulf in the News – October 15, 2013

Kingdom to use shale gas for electricity generation

Source: Arab News (Read full story)

Saudi Arabia is preparing to be among the first countries outside North America to use shale gas for power generation and thereby save more of its crude oil for lucrative exports. Inspired by a shale gas boom in the US, which has transformed the country from the world’s largest gas importer to a budding exporter, Riyadh plans to take its first steps to commercialize its own large unconventional deposits. “We are ready to start producing our own shale gas and unconventional resources in various types in the next few years and deliver them to consumers,” Saudi Aramco CEO Khalid Al-Falih said at the World Energy Congress in South Korea.

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